Luíza Cerioli
Geopolitics, 1–33, 2026
This article examines how extractivist countries navigate the geopoliticisation of the energy transition. It identifies four sources of uncertainty: technological path dependencies, geoeconomic competition, energy-system reorganization, and socio-political conflicts surrounding extraction. These dynamics create policy ambiguities regarding resource governance, technology transfer, energy security, and domestic policy autonomy. The article further argues that extractivist political settlements shape whether countries can seize emerging opportunities or remain locked into commodity dependence. By linking international rivalry with domestic political economy, the article shows that the energy transition does not automatically generate green industrialization in the Global South; its outcomes remain contingent, contested, and shaped by domestic agency.
Alejandro Frenkel and Alberto Maresca
Relaciones Internacionales, vol. 99 n. 1, 2026
Both Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva in Brazil and Javier Milei in Argentina propose a reorientation of international strategy, although with markedly different visions and objectives. We use a comparative approach and a methodology with qualitative and quantitative indicators, focusing on the use of presidential diplomacy to analyze the foreign policy preferences of both presidents. We argue that Lula is committed to reestablishing ties with the Global South and shaping a multipolar world through active presidential diplomacy. Milei´s foreign policy, on the other hand, is characterized by a folding to the United States hegemony and a lack of interest in Latin American integration. It is also distinguished by the use of a type of diplomacy that we call "para-governmental." That is, a diplomacy that prioritizes partisan actions and meetings with private sector actors without abandoning the President´s role, instead of governmental-level relations.
Quintjin B. Kat
International Studies Perspectives, 2026
Global International Relations (GIR) is grounded in a West/non-West binary that underpins its critique of Western dominance in knowledge production, publications, and disciplinary institutions. This paper argues that reliance on this binary prevents GIR from adequately including communities, perspectives, and scholars already marginalized within International Relations, contradicting its commitment to inclusivity. The argument has three parts. First, the binary is ontologically unsustainable. Second, survey data show that publication and editorial-board dominance is less uniformly “Western” than GIR often assumes, with considerable variation among countries categorized as Western. Third, the binary reproduces marginalization through its homogenizing and exclusionary effects. As a result, GIR overlooks three important domains: the liminal semi-periphery, the Western subaltern, and the non-Western subaltern. The paper concludes that globalizing IR requires abandoning binary understandings of the world and rigid categorizations of scholars, and it proposes preliminary steps toward a more inclusive and analytically nuanced GIR.
Rafael Miranda
In. Amitav Acharya, Philippe De Lombaerde, Beatrix Futák-Campbell, Lynda Chinenye Iroulo, Juliana Peixoto Batista (Edts.) Essays on Global Regionalism II. Will Regions Save the World? Springer, 2026
Regionalism as a field of study, due to its specificity of object of study and methodological diversity, has the capacity to enrich Global IR, opening a new and flexible field that is truly global in its objective of studies and ways of approaching reality. Regionalism and its study contribute to making the contributions and demands of the Global South visible in the research agenda of Global IR and the global agenda of issues.
Felippe Ramos and Briza Quaresma Regueira
O Tempo do Mundo, vol. 40, 2026
This paper argues that the Trump Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine has reinterpreted hemispheric order, regional security dynamics and cooperation patterns in Latin America and the Caribbean. It examines how the United States seeks to reinforce regional primacy through border control, migration management, counter-narcotrafficking, and the containment of extra-hemispheric powers, especially China. The paper introduces the concept of a Greater Caribbean heartland to describe the maritime and coastal space connecting the U.S. southern border, Central America, the Caribbean basin and northern South America, where migration routes, narcotrafficking corridors, energy resources, maritime infrastructure and shipping lanes converge. Drawing on strategic documents, especially the 2025 U.S. National Security Strategy, as well as diplomatic initiatives, military deployments and regional policy developments, the paper shows how this strategy reshapes regional governance while creating new challenges for Latin American and Caribbean integration mechanisms.
Zara C. Albright and Diego Telias
The Pacific Review, 2025
Since China’s arrival in Latin America, initially as a key trade partner and later, as a source of investment, finance, and technology, South American countries have pursued different strategies. While literature on East and Southeast Asia has coalesced around hedging as the dominant strategy, case studies of Chile and Uruguay reveal another strategy: bridging. Bridging is characterized by three elements: (1) refusal to choose a side, (2) maximizing the benefits of a relationship with the rising power, and (3) cultivating a special status with that rising power. Bridging tends to emerge in regions where the rising power lacks experience, and specifically in states where economic dependency on the rising power is reinforced by interest group politics and where institutional capacity is high. This article demonstrates the importance of cross-regional research to capture the full spectrum of state behavior and identify conditions under which states pursue alternatives to hedging.
Luiza Cerioli and Fernanda Barasuol
Central European Journal of International and Security Studies, vol 19, Issue 3, 2025
Despite calls to globalise and pluralise International Relations (IR), the discipline remains dominated by Global North institutions. This paper examines how Latin American scholars are represented in ten leading IR journals between 2010 and 2024. Analysing authors’ training backgrounds, publication locations, co-authorship networks, and research themes, we identify the material and epistemic barriers that shape visibility and legitimacy in the field. We conceptualise these barriers as part of a broader “Global South frontier” that limits meaningful participation. The paper contributes to debates on knowledge production and gatekeeping by highlighting academic publishing as a key site of power in IR.
Fernando G. Herrero
Anthem Press, 2025
This volume deals critically with the insertion of university life in contemporary United States of America. The time frame covers the 1980s and today. These are five critical conversations with noted scholars hailing from different origins, holding different trajectories, agendas and interests who have excelled in the humanities in addressing the (Latin) American Scene in the United States of America. The volume is pursuing the interrogation of the sign “America” in between the crucial “Anglo/Latin” divide. The five interviewees (Walter D. Mignolo, John Beverley, Rolena Adorno, José Rabasa and Roberto González Echevarría) have all been affiliated with Departments of Spanish and Portuguese, also called Romance Studies, Hispanic Studies (and now, Iberian and Latin American Studies or vice versa, Latin American and Iberian Studies).
Rafael Miranda
Journal of Global Faultlines, vol 1, 2025
The aim of this research is to analyze how the dialogue between Global Studies and Global International Relations contributes to a field of study by providing better tools for understanding the Global South. It is argued that defining the global not only on a territorial geographical scale, but also on an ethical scale, understanding it as affecting humanity as an ethical community, resizes the object of analysis of the field of study presented here. This requires the argumentative constitution of global affairs, allowing for a better positioning of the interests of the Global South on the research agenda.
Juan Pablo Sims and Brice Tseen Fu Lee
Frontiers in Political Science, vol 7, 2025
The accelerating rivalry between the United States and China has unsettled Latin America’s long-standing security hierarchy, creating limited space for strategic manoeuvre. This article asks why only some Latin American and Caribbean governments manage to hedge, deepening economic ties with Beijing while retaining Washington’s security umbrella, while others remain locked in one-sided alignment. Bridging hierarchy theory and new-institutional economics, it argues that effective hedging under U.S. regional hegemony depends on a domestic triad: state capacity, political stability, and resilient macroeconomic fundamentals. A fuzzy-set Qualitative Comparative Analysis of 14 countries (2013–2023) operationalises a novel Hedging Index combining trade and arms-procurement shares. The findings identify six equifinal pathways to hedging and show that all true hedgers possess at least one strong institutional or economic pillar, while states deficient in both invariably default to alignment.